Cognition and emerging adulthood: human development (2023)

beginning of maturity

Historically, early adulthood has been thought to last approximately from age 18 (late adolescence) to age 40 or 45 (early middle age). More recently, developmental researchers have divided this 25-year period into two distinct phases: emerging adulthood, followed by early adulthood. Although these age periods vary in their physical, cognitive, and social development, generally the period from 18 to 40 years of age is a time of peak physical ability and the emergence of more mature cognitive development, financial independence, and the building of strong relationships.

Defined emerging adulthood

beginning of maturityand thePeriod between late teens and early twenties; 18 to 25 years old, although some researchers have included up to 29 years old in their definitions (Society for the Study of Emerging Adulthood, 2016). Jeffrey Arnett (2000) argues that emerging adulthood is neither adolescence nor early adulthood. People of this age have left behind the relative dependencies of childhood and adolescence but have not yet taken on the responsibilities of adulthood. "Emerging adulthood is a time in life when many different directions are still possible, when little is certain about the future, when the scope for independent exploration of life's possibilities is greater for most than anyone other stage of life. naturally” (Arnett, 2000, p. 469). Arnett identified five characteristics of emerging adulthood that distinguish it from adolescence and young adulthood (Arnett, 2006).

1. And theera of identity finding. In 1950, Erik Erikson suggested that during adolescence people struggled with the question of identity. But Erikson (1968) also commented on a twentieth-century trend towards “prolonged adolescence” in industrial societies. Today, most identity development occurs in the late teens and early 20s rather than the teens. During emerging adulthood, people explore their career choices and ideas about intimate relationships, laying the groundwork for adulthood.
2. Arnett also described this period as theera of instability(Arnett, 2000; Arnett, 2006). Exploitation breeds insecurity and instability. Aspiring adults are more likely than other age groups to change jobs, relationships, and places of residence.
3. This is also theHonor des Selbstfokus. Being egocentric is not the same as being "egocentric". Adolescents are more self-centered than aspiring adults. Arnett reports that during his research he found that aspiring adults are very considerate of the feelings of others, especially their parents. They are now beginning to see their parents as people and not just as parents, which most teenagers fail to do (Arnett, 2006). However, aspiring adults are becoming more self-focused as they realize that they have few obligations to others and that this is the time to do whatever they want in life.
4. This is also theage of feeling in the middle.When asked whether they feel like adults, more young people aged 18 to 25 answer “yes and no” than young people or adults over 25 (Arnett, 2001). Most aspiring adults have gone through the changes of puberty, are generally out of high school, and many have also moved out of the family home. As a result, they no longer feel as dependent as they did when they were young. However, they may still be financially dependent on their parents to some extent and may not have fully achieved some of the indicators of adulthood, such as others. Not surprisingly, Arnett found that 60% of 18-25 year olds felt they were adults in some ways but not in others (Arnett, 2001).
5. Emerging maturity is theAge of Possibilities. It's a time of optimism as more and more 18-25 year olds feel they will one day get to where they want to be in life. Arnett (2000, 2006) suggests that this optimism stems from the fact that these dreams have yet to be tested. For example, it's easier to believe that you'll eventually find your soulmate if you haven't been in a serious relationship yet. It can also be a chance to change direction for those whose life has been difficult. The experiences of children and young people are influenced by the decisions and decisions of their parents. If the parents are dysfunctional, there is little the child can do about it. However, in emerging adulthood, people can leave and move on. You have a chance to transform your life and move away from unhealthy environments. Even those who had happy and fulfilling lives as children now have the opportunity to become independent as they mature and make their own decisions about the direction they want their lives to take.

Socioeconomic Class and Emerging Adulthood.The emerging adulthood theory was originally criticized for reflecting only upper-middle class young adults attending college in the United States, and not those who are working class or poor (Arnett, 2016). As a result, Arnett reviewed the results of the 2012 Clark University Emerging Adult Survey, whose participants were demographically similar to the US population. The results mainly showed agreement between aspects of the theory, including positive and negative perceptions of the period and views on education, work, love, sex and marriage. Two significant differences were found, the first being that adults from lower socioeconomic groups identified more negativity in their emotional lives, including higher levels of depression. Second, those in the lowest socioeconomic group were more likely to agree that they could not find enough financial support to get the education they felt they needed. Overall, Arnett concluded that emerging maturity occurs whenever there is a time interval between late adolescence and entry into adult roles, but he also recognized that social, cultural, and historical contexts matter.

Intercultural Variations.The five traits proposed in the theory of emerging adulthood were originally based on surveys of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 from a variety of races, social classes, and geographic regions (Arnett, 2004, 2016). To what extent is the emerging adulthood theory internationally applicable?

The answer to this question depends a lot on what part of the world you are looking at. Demographers make a useful distinction between the developing countries, which make up the majority of the world's population, and the economically developed countries that are part of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), including the United States, Canada, Western Europe, Japan, South Korea, South , Australia and New Zealand. The current population of the OECD countries (also called industrialized countries) is 1.2 billion, about 18% of the total world population (United Nations Development Programme, 2011). The rest of the population lives in developing countries, which have much lower average incomes, much lower average levels of education, and much higher incidences of disease, disease, and premature death. Consider emerging adulthood in other OECD countries, as little is known about the experiences of 18-25 year olds in developing countries.

The same demographic changes described above for the United States have also occurred in other OECD countries. This applies to increased participation in post-secondary education, as well as rising median ages of marriage and parenthood (UNData, 2010). However, there are also significant differences in how emerging adulthood is experienced across OECD countries. Europe is the region where coming of age is the longest and most peaceful. The median age for marriage and parenthood is almost 30 in most European countries (Douglass, 2007). Europe today is the site of the richest, most generous and most egalitarian societies in the world, indeed in human history (Arnett, 2007). Governments pay for higher education, help young people find jobs, and provide generous unemployment benefits for those who cannot find work. In Northern Europe, many governments also offer housing subsidies. Harnessing these advantages, the rising adults in European societies are gradually reaching adulthood in their twenties while enjoying travel and leisure time with friends.

Life for emerging adults in developed Asian countries such as Japan and South Korea is somewhat similar to life for emerging adults in Europe, and in some respects is notably different. Like European emerging adults, Asian emerging adults tend to marry and become parents around the age of 30 (Arnett, 2011). Like emerging adults in Europe, emerging adults in Asia in Japan and South Korea enjoy the benefits of living in affluent societies with generous welfare systems that support the transition to adulthood, including free higher education and significant unemployment.

In other respects, however, the experience of emerging adulthood in Asian OECD countries differs markedly from that in Europe. Europe has a long history of individualism, and today's emerging adults carry that legacy with them in their focus on self-expression and leisure in emerging adulthood. In contrast, Asian cultures share a common cultural history that emphasizes collectivism and family commitments.

Although Asian cultures have become more individualistic in recent decades as a result of globalization, the legacy of collectivism lingers in the lives of emerging adults. They pursue, like their American and European peers, the exploration of identity and self-development during adolescence, but within narrower limits set by their sense of obligation to others, particularly their parents (Phinney & Baldelomar, 2011). For example, aspiring adults in the United States and Europe rank among the most important criteria for becoming an adult, financial independence among the most important characteristics of adulthood. In contrast, aspiring adults from Asian cultures particularly emphasize the ability to provide financial support to parents as one of the most important criteria (Arnett, 2003; Nelson, Badger, & Wu, 2004). This sense of family obligation can to some extent reduce their exploration of identity in emerging adults, and compared to emerging adults in the west, they are more attentive to their parents' wishes, what to study, what job to take and where to go, them have to learn. live (Rosenberger, 2007).

When does adult life begin?According to Rankin and Kenyon (2008), in earlier years the process of coming of age was more characterized by rites of passage. Marriage and parenthood were considered by many to be the gateway to adulthood. However, these role transitions are no longer considered important characteristics of adulthood (Arnett, 2001). Economic and social changes have led to more young adults entering college (Rankin & Kenyon, 2008) and delaying marriage and having children (Arnett & Taber, 1994; Laursen & Jensen-Campbell, 1999). Self-responsibility are key characteristics of adulthood in Western culture across all ages (Arnett, 2001) and ethnic groups (Arnett, 2004).

Rankin and Kenyon (2008) examined how college students perceive adulthood and found that some students still regard rites of passage as important markers. College students who place more importance on role transition markers such as parenting and marriage, were in a fraternity/sisterhood, were traditionally old (18–25), were from an ethnic minority, had traditional marital status (i.e., not living together), or belonged to a religious organization , especially for men. These results support the view that people with collectivist or more traditional values ​​attach more importance to role transitions as a mark of adulthood. In contrast, older college students and those living in cohabitation do not value role transitions as much as traits of adulthood.

Forms of housing for young adults.In 2014, for the first time in over 130 years, adults aged 18–34 were more likely to live with their parents than with a spouse or partner in their own household (Fry, 2016). The current trend is that young Americans are not choosing to settle down romantically before the age of 35. Since the 1880s, cohabitation with a romantic partner has been the most common way of life among young adults. In 1960, 62% of Americans ages 18 to 34 lived with a spouse or partner in their own home, while only 20% lived with their parents.

In 2014, 31.6% of first-time adults lived with their spouse or partner in their own home, while 32.1% lived with their parents. Another 14% of early adults lived alone, were single parents, or lived with one or more roommates. The remaining 22% lived with another family member (e.g. grandparents, brother-in-law or siblings), a non-relative or in shared accommodation (e.g. student dormitories). Comparing races, 36% of Black and Hispanic young adults lived at home, while 30% of White young adults lived at home.

As can be seen in Figure 20.2, gender differences in living conditions were also observed, with boys living with their parents more often than girls. In 2014, 35% of young people lived with their parents, while 28% lived with their spouse or partner in their own home. Young women were more likely to live with their spouse or partner (35%) than with their parents (29%). In addition, more young women (16%) than young men (13%) lived without a spouse or partner, mainly because women are more likely to be single mothers living with their children. Finally, boys (25%) were more likely than girls (19%) to live with another family member, a non-relative, or in some form of shared accommodation (Fry, 2016).

What are some factors that help explain these changes in living conditions?First, young adults are increasingly delaying marriage or choosing not to marry or cohabit. Lack of employment and lower wages were particularly conducive to men living with their fathers. Working men are less likely to live at home. Young men's wages (adjusted for inflation) have been falling since 1970 and correlate with increases in young men living with their fathers. The recent recession and recovery (since 2007) has also contributed to the increase in young adults living at home. College enrollments increased during the recession, further increasing the first adults to live at home. However, once the first adults graduate from college, they are more likely to start families of their own (Fry, 2016).

Cognitive development in early childhood

Adolescent adulthood brings with it the consolidation of formal operational thinking and the continuing integration of those parts of the brain that serve emotions, social processes, and planning and problem-solving. As a result, hasty decisions and risky behaviors decrease rapidly in early adulthood. An increase in epistemic cognition is also observed as metacognition, or thinking about thinking, continues to increase in young adults, particularly in young adults continuing their schooling.

Perrys Plan.One of the earliest theories of cognitive development in early adulthood came from William Perry (1970), who was a graduate student at Harvard University. Perry noted that cognition tended to shift as students progressed through collegedualism(absolute, black and white, right and wrong thinking).Variety(while recognizing that some problems are solvable and some answers are not yet known).relativism(Understand the importance of the specific context of knowledge - everything is relative to other factors). Similar to Piaget's formal operational thinking in adolescence, this shift in thinking in early adulthood is influenced by educational experiences.

Table 8.1 Perry scheme steps

Adapted from Lifespan Development by Lumen Learning

Some researchers argue that a qualitative shift in cognitive development occurs in some emerging adults in their 20s and 20s. As evidence, they cite studies documenting the progressive integration and focussing of brain functions and studies that suggest this developmental phase often represents a tipping point when young adults engage in risky behaviors (e.g., an unfocused lifestyle, for example, switching from job to job or from relationship to relationship) seem to "wake up" and take responsibility for their own development. It is a common point for young adults to make decisions about graduating or returning to school, and making and obeying decisions about vocation, relationships, living conditions, and lifestyle. Indeed, many young adults can recall these turning points as a moment when they could suddenly "see" where they were going (i.e., the likely outcomes of their risky behavior or apathy) and actively chose to pursue a higher path.

references

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OER mapping:

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